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g3 bmy88 BOSTON (AP) — A Massachusetts judge dismissed criminal charges Monday against a backer of Karen Read who admitted placing dozens of yellow rubber ducks and fake $100 bills around town in support of Read. Richard Schiffer Jr. had argued in Stoughton District Court that he had a First Amendment right to support the defense theory that Read — accused of ramming into her boyfriend John O’Keefe with her SUV and leaving the Boston police officer to die in a snowstorm — has been framed in the polarizing murder case. Schiffer's attorney Timothy Bradl said Monday that the judge made the right call by quickly tossing the felony witness intimidation and criminal harassment charges against Schiffer. The ruling comes as another judge decided Monday to push back Read's retrial to April after a mistrial was declared in July when jurors couldn’t reach an agreement. Read was facing second-degree murder charges and two other charges. Her attorneys have argued that other law enforcement officers were responsible for O’Keefe’s death. Regarding Schiffer's charges, Bradl said, “There wasn't a leg to stand on.” “Hats off to the judge. He didn’t make everyone wait and ruled from the bench. Everything was completely protected by the First Amendment. This was political speech," Bradl said. The Norfolk District Attorney’s office declined to comment. Schiffer has said he got the ducks idea after thinking about a defense lawyer’s closing argument that Read was framed . Alan Jackson told jurors that “if it walks like a duck and talks like a duck, it’s a duck.” Schiffer's actions did not rise to the level of witness intimidation and criminal harassment "nor does his speech, or in this case his written word on fake currency and use of rubber toys, which are afforded the protections of the First Amendment," Judge Brian Walsh wrote. “It is the view of this Court that the defendant's conduct and speech, though a rather sophomoric expression of his opinion, is nonetheless protected speech,” he wrote. Walsh concluded the two-page ruling with quotes from Indiana poet James Whitcomb Riley, believed to have coined the “walks like a duck” phrase, and Robert McCloskey, author of the children's book “Make Way For Ducklings.” The defense alleged that O’Keefe was actually killed inside the home of his fellow Boston officer Brian Albert and then dragged outside. They argued that investigators focused on Read because she was a “convenient outsider” who saved them from having to consider law enforcement officers as suspects. Schiffer has been among the dozens of Read supporters who accuse state and local law enforcement of a widespread cover-up. Their demonstrations have led to confrontations, especially in the town of Canton where the murder happened, between those who support Read and others who believe she is guilty. Schiffer, who owns Canton Fence and has said that he knows practically everyone in town through his contracting work, was accused of placing some of the ducks outside a pizza shop run by Brian Albert’s brother, Canton Selectman Chris Albert. Other ducks appeared in O’Keefe’s neighborhood.How Dana Holgorsen adjusted Nebraska football's playbook to deliver instant resultsThe Haryana government on Saturday approved the proposal to increase external development charges (EDC) of various potential real estate zones in the state by 20% for 2025, and a 10% increase every year from 2026. The decision will likely increase the cost of real estate development, which might make properties costlier for buyers. However, the positive impact could be a potential boost to infrastructure development funded by these higher EDC collections.. “The cabinet approved a one-time increase of 20% from January 1, 2025, and further an increase of 10% every year with effect from January 1 of every year was approved,” the government spokesperson said. EDC is the fee collected from real estate developers to build external infrastructure facilities outside the boundaries of a project, such as roads, drains, electrical infrastructure, water and sewage lines. EDC is calculated by the department of town and country planning (DTCP) area-wise, depending on the potential for growth of a particular residential, commercial, industrial or mixed-use locality. The rates were last revised in 2015. The 10% annual EDC increase will put major financial burden on developers and end users across the state and particularly Gurugram, said Parveen Jain, president, Naredco (National Real Estate Development Council), Haryana. “Around 2015-2016, developers had almost stopped taking licence as EDC rates were very high after which the government slowed down on that and did not increase the charges. The 10% increase will be unviable, and the government should rethink this decision,” he said, adding that existing infrastructure in the city including roads has not been developed while developer and homebuyers have paid thousands of crores of rupees in EDC. Vinod Behl, a real estate expert based in Gurugram, said that increasing EDC rates will badly hit the real estate industry as the rates are already high and affordability is low in the realty market. “The government had recently increased circle rates and property prices have already hit the roof in the city. High rate of interest and high cost of properties will ensure that real estate markets witness a slowdown in 2025,” he said. According to experts, the current cost of EDC in a project in Gurugram is 7-8% of the entire project cost. A government spokesperson said that existing EDC rates were based on an indexation policy that had taken EDC rates of 2015 as the base, and these were not increased in the last eight years. Prior to the indexation policy of 2015, EDC rates were increased every year. According to officials aware of the matter, the state government in 2018 requested the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Delhi, to determine EDC rates form Gurugram and Rohtak, and IIT-Roorkee for Faridabad, Panchkula and Hisar. However, both institutes expressed their inability to do the work due to which the indexation policy and previous EDC rates continued till date, they added. Following the state cabinet’s decision on Saturday, DTCP can issue policy instructions under Section 9A of the Haryana Development and Regulation of Urban Area Act, 1975 and undertake amendments in the Haryana Development and Regulation of Urban Areas Rules, 1976. In another decision, the state cabinet has approved the engagement of a consultant to decide the base EDC rates to determine indexation rates in future, the government spokesperson said.

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It’s a daunting reality for Democrats: Republican Donald Trump's support has grown broadly since he last sought the presidency. In his defeat of Democrat Kamala Harris , Trump won a bigger percentage of the vote in each one of the 50 states, and Washington, D.C., than he did four years ago. He won more actual votes than in 2020 in 40 states, according to an Associated Press analysis. Certainly, Harris’ more than 7 million vote decline from President Joe Biden’s 2020 total was a factor in her loss, especially in swing-state metropolitan areas that have been the party’s winning electoral strongholds. But, despite national turnout that was lower than in the high-enthusiasm 2020 election, Trump received 2.5 million more votes than he did four years ago. He swept the seven most competitive states to win a convincing Electoral College victory, becoming the first Republican nominee in 20 years to win a majority of the popular vote. Trump cut into places where Harris needed to overperform to win a close election. Now Democrats are weighing how to regain traction ahead of the midterm elections in two years, when control of Congress will again be up for grabs and dozens of governors elected. There were some notable pieces to how Trump's victory came together: Though Trump improved across the map, his gains were particularly noteworthy in urban counties home to the cities of Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia, electoral engines that stalled for Harris in industrial swing states Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. Harris fell more than 50,000 votes — and 5 percentage points — short of Biden's total in Wayne County, Michigan, which makes up the lion's share of the Detroit metro area. She was almost 36,000 votes off Biden's mark in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, and about 1,000 short in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin. It wasn't only Harris' shortfall that helped Trump carry the states, a trio that Democrats had collectively carried in six of the seven previous elections before Nov. 5. Trump added to his 2020 totals in all three metro counties, netting more than 24,000 votes in Wayne County, more than 11,000 in Philadelphia County and almost 4,000 in Milwaukee County. It’s not yet possible to determine whether Harris fell short of Biden’s performance because Biden voters stayed home or switched their vote to Trump — or how some combination of the two produced the rightward drift evident in each of these states. Harris advertised heavily and campaigned regularly in each, and made Milwaukee County her first stop as a candidate with a rally in July. These swings alone were not the difference in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, but her weaker performance than Biden across the three metros helped Trump, who held on to big 2020 margins in the three states' broad rural areas and improved or held steady in populous suburbs. Trump's team and outside groups supporting him knew from their data that he was making inroads with Black voters, particularly Black men younger than 50, more concentrated in these urban areas that have been key to Democratic victories. When James Blair, Trump's political director, saw results coming in from Philadelphia on election night, he knew Trump had cut into the more predominantly Black precincts, a gain that would echo in Wayne and Milwaukee counties. “The data made clear there was an opportunity there,” Blair said. AP VoteCast, a nationwide survey of more than 120,000 voters, found Trump won a larger share of Black and Latino voters than he did in 2020, and most notably among men under age 45. Democrats won Senate races in Michigan and Wisconsin but lost in Pennsylvania. In 2026, they will be defending governorships in all three states and a Senate seat in Michigan. Despite the burst of enthusiasm Harris' candidacy created among the Democratic base when she entered the race in July, she ended up receiving fewer votes than Biden in three of the seven states where she campaigned almost exclusively. In Arizona, she received about 90,000 fewer votes than Biden. She received about 67,000 fewer in Michigan and 39,000 fewer in Pennsylvania. In four others — Georgia, Nevada, North Carolina and Wisconsin — Harris won more votes than Biden did. But Trump's support grew by more — in some states, significantly more. That dynamic is glaring in Georgia, where Harris received almost 73,000 more votes than Biden did when he very narrowly carried the state. But Trump added more than 200,000 to his 2020 total, en route to winning Georgia by roughly 2 percentage points. In Wisconsin, Trump's team reacted to slippage it saw in GOP-leaning counties in suburban Milwaukee by targeting once-Democratic-leaning, working-class areas, where Trump made notable gains. In the three largest suburban Milwaukee counties — Ozaukee, Washington and Waukesha — which have formed the backbone of GOP victories for decades, Harris performed better than Biden did in 2020. She also gained more votes than Trump gained over 2020, though he still won the counties. That made Trump's focus on Rock County, a blue-collar area in south central Wisconsin, critical. Trump received 3,084 more votes in Rock County, home of the former automotive manufacturing city of Janesville, than he did in 2020, while Harris underperformed Biden's 2020 total by seven votes. That helped Trump offset Harris' improvement in Milwaukee's suburbs. The focus speaks to the strength Trump has had and continued to grow with middle-income, non-college educated voters, the Trump campaign's senior data analyst Tim Saler said. “If you're going to have to lean into working-class voters, they are particularly strong in Wisconsin,” Saler said. “We saw huge shifts from 2020 to 2024 in our favor.” Of the seven most competitive states, Arizona saw the smallest increase in the number of votes cast in the presidential contest — slightly more than 4,000 votes, in a state with more than 3.3 million ballots cast. That was despite nearly 30 campaign visits to Arizona by Trump, Harris and their running mates and more than $432 million spent on advertising by the campaigns and allied outside groups, according to the ad-monitoring firm AdImpact. Arizona, alone of the seven swing states, saw Harris fall short of Biden across small, midsize and large counties. In the other six states, she was able to hold on in at least one of these categories. Even more telling, it is also the only swing state where Trump improved his margin in every single county. While turnout in Maricopa County, Arizona's most populous as the home to Phoenix, dipped slightly from 2020 — by 14,199 votes, a tiny change in a county where more than 2 million people voted — Trump gained almost 56,000 more votes than four years ago. Meanwhile, Harris fell more than 60,000 votes short of Biden's total, contributing to a shift significant enough to swing the county and state to Trump, who lost Arizona by fewer than 11,000 votes in 2020. The biggest leaps to the right weren't taking place exclusively among Republican-leaning counties, but also among the most Democratic-leaning counties in the states. Michigan's Wayne County swung 9 points toward Trump, tying the more Republican-leaning Antrim County for the largest movement in the state. AP VoteCast found that voters were most likely to say the economy was the most important issue facing the country in 2024, followed by immigration. Trump supporters were more motivated by economic issues and immigration than Harris', the survey showed. “It’s still all about the economy," said North Carolina Democratic strategist Morgan Jackson, a senior adviser to Democrat Josh Stein, who won North Carolina’s governorship on Nov. 5 as Trump also carried the state. “Democrats have to embrace an economic message that actually works for real people and talk about it in the kind of terms that people get, rather than giving them a dissertation of economic policy,” he said. Governor’s elections in 2026 give Democrats a chance to test their understanding and messaging on the issue, said Democratic pollster Margie Omero, whose firm has advised Wisconsin’s Democratic Gov. Tony Evers in the past and winning Arizona Senate candidate Ruben Gallego this year. “So there’s an opportunity to really make sure people, who governors have a connection to, are feeling some specificity and clarity with the Democratic economic message,” Omero said.Australians are shunning glam for laundry items at Black Friday salesAP News Summary at 2:48 p.m. EST

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Both sides in abortion debate seek clues in Trump's nominees to key positionsLOS ANGELES — Matthew Stafford speaks about it often this time of year. The beauty of meaningful football in December. How invigorating it is. How it can’t be taken for granted. If anyone would know, it would be Stafford. Prior to his trade to the Rams before the 2021 season, Stafford’s teams didn’t often have things at stake by the time the calendar turned to the 12th month. He made the playoffs three times in 12 years with the Detroit Lions, and in the down years his team often wasn’t even in the hunt. But in the thick of his third December with the Rams – he missed the final month of 2022 with injuries – Stafford has continued to thrive as the weather gets colder. With four straight wins to start the month, Stafford has improved to 12-1 in December during his Rams tenure, with the chance to improve on that in Saturday night’s game against the Arizona Cardinals. “It’s nice to be on a little bit of a run right now. The cool thing about this group is we know that we earn every single bit of it,” Stafford said. “We don’t win the next game because we’ve won however many times before it. You don’t lose the next game because you had a hiccup the week before, whatever it is. You have to go out there and earn it every single week.” Stafford has completed 67% of his 100 passes this month for 773 yards, five touchdowns and one interception. That improves his overall December stats with the Rams (9-6) to a 66.8% completion rate for 3,272 yards, 25 touchdowns and seven interceptions. The only December loss for Stafford with the Rams came last season in a road game against the Baltimore Ravens that went to overtime and ended with a 76-yard punt return for a touchdown . Aside from that fluky result, a clean record. “He’s just clutch,” head coach Sean McVay said. “The best part about Matthew Stafford is he’s got all these amazing numbers and stats that he’s put up and he’s this special quarterback; he wants to win. And I think he understands what it takes, especially in that month when that’s such a critical time to be able to peak at the right time if you’re gonna get an opportunity to get into the tournament.” A moment that stood out to McVay this month came during the Rams’ final drive in a Week 15 win at San Francisco . After the two-minute warning and in 49er territory, leading by three and trying to add more to the scoreboard, Stafford stood in the shotgun formation with an empty backfield. He sent receiver Cooper Kupp in motion, which pulled defensive backs Talanoa Hufanga and Deommodore Lenoir across the field and away from tight end Colby Parkinson. The play wasn’t designed to go to Parkinson, but Stafford recognized the open man and found Parkinson on a seam route for a 14-yard gain. The play got the Rams a fresh set of downs to burn the 49ers’ timeouts and some clock, too, and put the team comfortably into Joshua Karty’s field goal range to add three extra points. “We’ve done a really nice job, especially as of late, just understanding that it’s really more about us than anything else,” Stafford said. “We go out there, we play the way we know how to play, do the things that we’re supposed to do and know how to play the game of football. It’s just whoever’s next up just happens to be. We’ve taken that approach as of late and it’s been a really good outcome for us.” Havenstein sits out practice Rams right tackle Rob Havenstein typically gets a veteran rest day on Fridays at this point in the season, or in this case with a Saturday game, on Thursday. But after injuring his shoulder in practice on Wednesday, Havenstein wouldn’t have been able to practice Thursday if he wanted to, McVay said. Asked if Havenstein will be able to play on Saturday, McVay said, “I’m hopeful. We’ll see.” But if Havenstein isn’t able to play, the Rams will turn to Joe Noteboom to fill in over second-year tackle Warren McClendon Jr.

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Nintendo Reveals 'Echoes of Wisdom's Place on the Zelda TimelineArewa Ambassador International College of Health Science and Technology, Zaria in Kaduna state has embarked on the circumcision of over 1,000 children in Zaria city and its environs free of charge. The College Director Murtala Iliyasu disclosed this during the exercise at the College premises on Saturday. He said, the free circumcision exercise is part of the College corporate social responsibility to the neighbouring communities. Iliyasu remarked further that the college management will continue to do more beside the circumcision exercise. The Director of the College acknowledged the support and contributions of their Grand Patron Justice Isiyaku Bello (Kuliyan Zazzau ) in supporting the college to execute many impactful programmes in the college. According to him Justice Bello is the pillar of all their success and the College is proud to have him as a Grand Patron. He said, the Grand Patron will remain forever in their book of records as the College is growing in terms of producing high skills manpower to the health sector. The College Director promised to improve on the Corporate Social Responsibility by introducing High blood pressure test and other related tests in the coming 2025. NIGERIAN TRIBUNE

A LOTTERY player is running out of time to come forward and claim their $1 million prize. They purchased the Mega Millions ticket months ago and will lose out on the money should they not identify themselves soon. Officials in Missouri have advised residents to double-check the slips they purchased for the Mega Millions drawing on October 25, 2024. Results for the drawing showed the digits 23, 26, 35, 41, 43, and a gold Mega Ball of 7. The unknown winner matched all five white balls, narrowly missing the Mega Ball, which earned them the $1 million prize, per the MO Lottery website . For reference, the odds of getting a Match 5 are one in 12,607,306. Read More on the Lottery As if that wasn't lucky enough, another Missouri also earned a Match 5 win during the same drawing for a similar $1 million payday. The first player purchased their ticket at the Alta Convenience store in Creve Coeur, about 14 miles west of downtown St. Louis. The second bought theirs at The Pantry in Branson, about 44 miles south of Springfield. MO Lottery rules allow 180 days from the drawing date for players to come forward and get their cash. Most read in Money ACT FAST That means both have until April 23, 2025, to claim their combined $2 million winnings in person at MO Lottery headquarters, as both prize pots are well over $600 . Should neither player make it in time, they will lose out on the millions. Instead, the funds will be re-distributed to assist Missouri public education. If the Mega Millions winners do claim the cash by the deadline, they'll also face a crucial decision on how to receive it. Lottery winners can always get the money through two options — a lump sum distribution or annuity payments . Annuity payments split the prize pot over annual distributions for a set amount of years. Players who win big on lottery tickets typically have a choice to make: lump sum or annuity? The two payout methods can impact how much money you get from your prize. Annuities pay out slowly in increments, often over 30 years. Lump sums pay all at once but in a smaller amount, as taxes are withheld in one go. That means 24% of your prize goes to Uncle Sam right away. Many states tax winnings as well. Annuities can provide winners time to set up the financial infrastructure required to take in a life-changing amount of money, but lump sums have the benefit of being taxed only once. Inflation is also worth considering when making a choice, as payouts do not adjust with the value of a dollar. That means that you'll likely be getting less valuable money towards the end of an annuity. Each state and game pays out prizes differently, so it’s best to check with your state’s lottery to confirm payment policies. A financial advisor can also help you weigh the pros and cons of each option. Experts have varying opinions on whether to take the lump sum or take the annuity . TAXING TIME The lump sum distribution means players get the cash all at once, but it faces significant taxes . Before either of the October winners see any of their $1 million paydays, for example, they'll owe the federal government 24% and Missouri 4%, per AARP . That means about $280,000 is taken out from the $1 million instantly. Each player would only walk away with around $720,000, considering. Read More on The US Sun Mega Millions also recently confirmed some major updates for players in 2025, including a price increase on tickets. The jackpot for Mega Millions also recently increased to a historic $1.15 billion total in a Christmas miracle as players buy up tickets.With December on the horizon, trade talks are beginning to heat up around the NHL, with a young defenseman’s name hopping up on a few trade boards. The Columbus Blue Jackets have David Jiricek in their system. The Czechia native was taken with the sixth overall pick in the 2022 NHL Draft, and while he has shown glimpses of being a top blueliner, overall things have not quite been working out as quickly as some expected from Jiricek, with some thinking a new team might suit him well. Jiricek had played just six games with the Blue Jackets before being sent down to their American Hockey League affiliate, the Cleveland Monsters. During his brief time in the lineup with CBJ, the 20-year-old posted one assist, registering a plus/minus of -2, while averaging 11:12 of ice time, down from the 14:36 he was averaging during the 2023-24 season. In 53 NHL appearances over the last three years, Jiricek has scored one goal and 11 points, with a -10 rating. On Tuesday’s edition of Daily Faceoff LIVE , Frank Seravalli and Tyler Yaremchuk discuss what could be next for Jiricek and the Blue Jackets. Tyler Yaremchuk: How close are we to a resolution in the David Jiricek situation? Frank Seravalli: I think relatively close is what I would call it. I think there was certainly an increase in tension paid to David Jiricek yesterday in front offices based on the ones I corresponded with. The best way I can frame up this situation right now is that I believe Columbus Blue Jackets GM Don Waddell has five to six concrete offers on the table that he’s evaluating. I think they were relatively close to a deal at some point over the weekend. I think they had made significant progress on Monday to the point where some thought the deal might get done or might be nearing the finish line. I know with a young player of this stature, Don Waddell and his staff want to make sure that they are not leaving any stones unturned around the league. It has been an interesting process because there’s a number of teams that have wanted to get in the mix that...either haven’t received a callback or have been politely told, “Hey, we don’t see this as a fit...” So, what is it exactly the Columbus Blue Jackets are looking for? It’s a player of similar stature. A young, top-end pick or prospect, or potentially a package of players that the Columbus Blue Jackets and their fanbase can get excited about. Right now, it seems like a matter of when, and not if, Jiricek is gonna be on the move, but what are the teams that we’re talking about that have been in the mix...There seems to be lots of thought that the Minnesota Wild are frontrunners...I think the Philadelphia Flyers have been involved. I think, at varying points, the Pittsburgh Penguins have as well...those are the three teams I would circle around. I don’t think you can count out the San Jose Sharks , or potentially the Buffalo Sabres . I think there’s been a whole group of teams that have been right there in the mix. You can watch the full segment and the entire episode here... This article first appeared on Daily Faceoff and was syndicated with permission.

MILWAUKEE (AP) — Themus Fulks' 26 points helped Milwaukee defeat IU Indianapolis 88-81 on Sunday. Fulks also contributed five rebounds and five assists for the Panthers (10-4, 3-0 Horizon League). Kentrell Pullian scored 20 points while going 5 of 9 from the floor, including 4 for 7 from 3-point range, and 6 for 8 from the line. Erik Pratt shot 5 for 9, including 1 for 4 from beyond the arc to finish with 11 points. Sean Craig led the way for the Jaguars (5-10, 1-3) with 22 points, eight rebounds and four steals. Paul Zilinskas added 21 points and three steals for IU Indianapolis. Jarvis Walker finished with 12 points and four assists. Milwaukee's next game is Thursday against Oakland on the road. IU Indianapolis hosts Youngstown State on Wednesday. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .Commitments for a sustainable future A Pakistani man rests under the shade of trees during a heatwave in Karachi, Pakistan, on June 23, 2015. — AFP The pursuit of climate prosperity has become a defining theme of international cooperation, signalling the end of an era when climate commitments were viewed in isolation from socio-economic development with the operationalisation of the Climate Vulnerable Forum (CVF) and their climate prosperity plans (CPPs). googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1700472799616-0'); }); The latest cycle of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), referred to as NDCs 3.0, reflects a more cohesive approach: countries are updating their pledges under the Paris Agreement by mapping out concrete sectoral and cross-sectoral strategies that unite economic growth, social equity, and environmentally sustainable economic priorities. Recent examples from the UAE, the UK, and Brazil, presented at COP29, underscore the importance of operationalising Article 4.1’s temperature targets in a manner that respects national circumstances yet pushes global ambition toward limiting temperature increases to well below 2 C and, ideally, toward 1.5 C. This new wave of climate commitments extends beyond symbolic statements. Sector-focused policies for renewable energy, decarbonised transport, and industrial transformation exemplify the progression principle enshrined in Article 4.2, which requires each successive NDC to demonstrate incremental ambition. Yet the tension between economic prerogatives and climate action remains palpable, most visibly in nations reliant on fossil fuel revenues. Even when updated NDCs articulate bold objectives, inconsistencies in implementation can dilute progress, as evidenced by the underutilisation of Decision 4/CMA.1 on clarity in accounting methodologies. Without robust and transparent accounting, global stocktaking under Article 14 risks being muddied by inconsistent data, eroding trust and hindering coordinated action. Climate prosperity, as illustrated by Brazil’s CHAMP initiative ‘Coalition of High Ambition Multilevel Partnerships’, elevates climate policy from a narrow focus on emissions reductions to a broader transformative agenda. By incorporating subnational authorities, local governments, and civil society, these frameworks can generate synergy between climate resilience and socio-economic benefits. Decision 4/CMA.1 emphasises the necessity for clarity in NDC design, ensuring that ambitious goals translate into measurable and verifiable outcomes. The draft decision -/CMA.6 advances this discourse by mandating an annual synthesis report on NDCs – a critical instrument to aggregate best practices, identify bottlenecks, and pinpoint areas of overlap or duplication that could benefit from collective interventions. Although ambitious commitments are increasingly common, disparities remain. Major emitters sometimes present laudable targets but lack the policy muscle or enforceable frameworks to put them into effect. Article 4.3’s call for the highest possible ambition continues to clash with entrenched economic dependencies, particularly when fossil fuels still underpin large segments of national revenue. More acutely, adaptation measures remain underprioritised, despite Article 7.9 stipulating their integration into NDCs, leaving frontline communities vulnerable and undermining the comprehensiveness of climate strategies. Similarly, loss and damage considerations often lack detailed guidance in national pledges, weakening the potential for a truly inclusive approach that safeguards those most at risk. Effective NDC implementation hinges on frameworks that move beyond aspirational statements. Decision 1/CP.21, paragraph 26, offers pathways for legally binding commitments, timelines, and accountability measures that ensure compliance with Article 4.1’s temperature goals. Likewise, Article 13’s enhanced transparency framework requires harmonised reporting formats for both mitigation and adaptation, reinforced by Decision 18/CMA.1. These guidelines lay the groundwork for an annual synthesis process, as advocated by draft decision -/CMA.6, providing a realistic barometer of global progress and revealing areas where corrective measures are most urgent. In concert with multilateral platforms like the G20’s net-zero coalition, countries can pool resources, deepen technical collaboration, and orchestrate the large-scale shifts required for a just and inclusive transition. For Pakistan, whose vulnerability to climate shocks is well documented, the trajectory toward climate prosperity demands targeted policy choices. In a context where development deficits converge with intensifying climate threats, updated NDCs must serve not just as compliance documents but as cornerstones of socio-economic transformation. A National Climate Action Transparency Portal could complement the Article 13 requirements by systematically tracking progress on emissions reduction, adaptation initiatives, and loss and damage assessments, feeding the information for Biennial Transparency Reports (BTRs). Coupled with annual synthesis reports as outlined in Decision 1/CMA.3, paragraph 30, this platform would allow policymakers to detect gaps in near real-time, refining strategies that unite mitigation with resilience-building. Public institutions in Pakistan should enact legislative frameworks that institutionalise climate commitments, mandating that federal and provincial budgets allocate resources for renewable energy expansion, resilient infrastructure, and climate-smart agriculture. Incentives can encourage research and development in low-carbon technologies, creating local supply chains that support green jobs and economic growth. Complementing these measures, the private sector must align corporate strategies with net-zero aspirations, invest in decarbonising operations, and adopt transparent accounting methodologies to bolster the credibility of emissions reporting. Greater financial innovation, including green bonds and blended financing models, could channel private capital toward clean energy, sustainable transport, and climate-resilient urban development, amplifying the momentum generated by public investments. People at the grassroots level should be empowered to participate in shaping climate policies through local consultative forums and awareness initiatives. Community-driven adaptation projects, such as climate-resilient farming systems and disaster risk reduction protocols, can be scaled up with targeted support from development partners and national agencies. Civil society organisations have a pivotal role to play by raising climate literacy, bridging knowledge gaps, and ensuring that policy debates reflect grassroots realities. Initiatives aimed at behaviour change – ranging from water conservation to sustainable consumption – can reinforce the shift toward low-carbon lifestyles, particularly in urban centres where population pressures intersect with resource constraints. An additional consideration lies in recognising provincial disparities in emissions and capacities within Pakistan, where Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa emit considerably less than Punjab and Sindh, yet shoulder disproportionate climate vulnerabilities. In the spirit of Article 6.2, enabling province-specific emissions targets not only advances intra-national equity but also promotes the concept of inter-provincial emissions trading, thereby embedding climate justice within the national framework. Through such cooperative approaches, provinces with surplus emission reductions – like Balochistan or Khyber Pakhtunkhwa – could trade these credits to provinces that fall short of their targets, ensuring that collective national commitments remain intact. This mechanism, akin to Internationally Transferred Mitigation Outcomes (ITMOs), could be adapted for domestic use, creating incentives for lower-emitting provinces to strengthen climate-friendly initiatives while preserving the flexibility needed for more industrialised regions to meet their commitments. By institutionalising provincial-level trading systems, Pakistan can reap the dual benefit of spurring localised investment in low-carbon projects and aligning overall NDC targets with equitable development, thus demonstrating a model for subnational integration that resonates with both national development priorities and global climate objectives. Pakistan’s integration of loss and damage considerations into its NDC can fortify the country’s standing in international forums, including the Warsaw International Mechanism and the Global Stocktake under Article 14. Such an approach would highlight the country’s climate vulnerabilities, attract targeted financial support, and catalyse regional partnerships with South Asian counterparts confronting similar climate hazards. By documenting the scale and frequency of climate-induced losses, Pakistan could make a compelling case for concessional financing and innovative insurance schemes designed to provide post-disaster relief and expedite recovery efforts. Climate prosperity envisions a future in which decarbonisation and socio-economic progress reinforce each other. Pakistan can fast-track this vision by establishing a Climate Prosperity Fund to underwrite integrated projects that combine emissions reductions, adaptation measures, and the generation of green jobs. These investments can also nurture a culture of innovation, encouraging homegrown enterprises to develop climate-compatible products and services. By proactively participating in global coalitions like the G20’s net-zero initiative and regional climate dialogues, Pakistan can access technical support, secure climate finance at competitive rates, and broaden the impact of domestic climate actions. In the age of NDCs 3.0, ambition without accountability is futile; every pledge must be backed by transparent implementation, reliable metrics, and clear legal scaffolding. From legislative mandates to corporate practices and grassroots engagement, a cohesive strategy hinges on synchronising public, private, and people-led efforts. Failure to seize the opportunities for climate prosperity could lock nations into unsustainable development paths, jeopardising global temperature goals and undermining collective resilience. But by aligning policy reforms with transparent governance, inclusive participation, and innovative financing, countries like Pakistan can carve out a resilient, low-carbon future. The evolution of NDCs, in essence, is a clarion call for nations to move from pledges to practice, ensuring that climate commitments spur an era of equitable growth that endures for generations to come. Twitter/X: @Khalidwaleed_ Email: khalidwaleed@sdpi.org The writer has a doctorate in energy economics and serves as a research fellow in the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI).

Bosideng International Holdings Limited ( OTCMKTS:BSDGY – Get Free Report ) was the target of a large increase in short interest during the month of December. As of December 15th, there was short interest totalling 1,000 shares, an increase of 900.0% from the November 30th total of 100 shares. Based on an average daily volume of 500 shares, the short-interest ratio is presently 2.0 days. Bosideng International Stock Performance OTCMKTS BSDGY opened at $27.00 on Friday. Bosideng International has a 12 month low of $22.06 and a 12 month high of $32.25. The business’s 50-day moving average price is $28.37 and its two-hundred day moving average price is $26.80. Bosideng International Cuts Dividend The company also recently declared a dividend, which will be paid on Monday, January 27th. Shareholders of record on Tuesday, December 17th will be issued a dividend of $0.3855 per share. The ex-dividend date is Tuesday, December 17th. Bosideng International’s payout ratio is 52.09%. Bosideng International Company Profile Bosideng International Holdings Limited engages in the research, design, development, manufacturing, marketing, and distribution of branded down apparel products, original equipment manufacturing (OEM) products, and non-down apparel products in the People's Republic of China. The company operates through four segments: Down Apparels, OEM Management, Ladieswear Apparels, and Diversified Apparels. See Also Receive News & Ratings for Bosideng International Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Bosideng International and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .Judge dismisses charges against Karen Read supporter who scattered rubber ducks and fake $100 billsIt’s a daunting reality for Democrats: Republican Donald Trump's support has grown broadly since he last sought the presidency. In his defeat of Democrat Kamala Harris , Trump won a bigger percentage of the vote in each one of the 50 states, and Washington, D.C., than he did four years ago. He won more actual votes than in 2020 in 40 states, according to an Associated Press analysis. Certainly, Harris’ more than 7 million vote decline from President Joe Biden’s 2020 total was a factor in her loss, especially in swing-state metropolitan areas that have been the party’s winning electoral strongholds. But, despite national turnout that was lower than in the high-enthusiasm 2020 election, Trump received 2.5 million more votes than he did four years ago. He swept the seven most competitive states to win a convincing Electoral College victory, becoming the first Republican nominee in 20 years to win a majority of the popular vote. Trump cut into places where Harris needed to overperform to win a close election. Now Democrats are weighing how to regain traction ahead of the midterm elections in two years, when control of Congress will again be up for grabs and dozens of governors elected. There were some notable pieces to how Trump's victory came together: Trump took a bite in Northern metros Though Trump improved across the map, his gains were particularly noteworthy in urban counties home to the cities of Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia, electoral engines that stalled for Harris in industrial swing states Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. Harris fell more than 50,000 votes — and 5 percentage points — short of Biden's total in Wayne County, Michigan, which makes up the lion's share of the Detroit metro area. She was almost 36,000 votes off Biden's mark in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, and about 1,000 short in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin. It wasn't only Harris' shortfall that helped Trump carry the states, a trio that Democrats had collectively carried in six of the seven previous elections before Nov. 5. Trump added to his 2020 totals in all three metro counties, netting more than 24,000 votes in Wayne County, more than 11,000 in Philadelphia County and almost 4,000 in Milwaukee County. It’s not yet possible to determine whether Harris fell short of Biden’s performance because Biden voters stayed home or switched their vote to Trump — or how some combination of the two produced the rightward drift evident in each of these states. Harris advertised heavily and campaigned regularly in each, and made Milwaukee County her first stop as a candidate with a rally in July. These swings alone were not the difference in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, but her weaker performance than Biden across the three metros helped Trump, who held on to big 2020 margins in the three states' broad rural areas and improved or held steady in populous suburbs. Trump's team and outside groups supporting him knew from their data that he was making inroads with Black voters, particularly Black men younger than 50, more concentrated in these urban areas that have been key to Democratic victories. When James Blair, Trump's political director, saw results coming in from Philadelphia on election night, he knew Trump had cut into the more predominantly Black precincts, a gain that would echo in Wayne and Milwaukee counties. “The data made clear there was an opportunity there,” Blair said. AP VoteCast, a nationwide survey of more than 120,000 voters, found Trump won a larger share of Black and Latino voters than he did in 2020, and most notably among men under age 45. Democrats won Senate races in Michigan and Wisconsin but lost in Pennsylvania. In 2026, they will be defending governorships in all three states and a Senate seat in Michigan. Trump gained more than Harris in battlegrounds Despite the burst of enthusiasm Harris' candidacy created among the Democratic base when she entered the race in July, she ended up receiving fewer votes than Biden in three of the seven states where she campaigned almost exclusively. In Arizona, she received about 90,000 fewer votes than Biden. She received about 67,000 fewer in Michigan and 39,000 fewer in Pennsylvania. In four others — Georgia, Nevada, North Carolina and Wisconsin — Harris won more votes than Biden did. But Trump's support grew by more — in some states, significantly more. That dynamic is glaring in Georgia, where Harris received almost 73,000 more votes than Biden did when he very narrowly carried the state. But Trump added more than 200,000 to his 2020 total, en route to winning Georgia by roughly 2 percentage points. In Wisconsin, Trump's team reacted to slippage it saw in GOP-leaning counties in suburban Milwaukee by targeting once-Democratic-leaning, working-class areas, where Trump made notable gains. In the three largest suburban Milwaukee counties — Ozaukee, Washington and Waukesha — which have formed the backbone of GOP victories for decades, Harris performed better than Biden did in 2020. She also gained more votes than Trump gained over 2020, though he still won the counties. That made Trump's focus on Rock County, a blue-collar area in south central Wisconsin, critical. Trump received 3,084 more votes in Rock County, home of the former automotive manufacturing city of Janesville, than he did in 2020, while Harris underperformed Biden's 2020 total by seven votes. That helped Trump offset Harris' improvement in Milwaukee's suburbs. The focus speaks to the strength Trump has had and continued to grow with middle-income, non-college educated voters, the Trump campaign's senior data analyst Tim Saler said. “If you're going to have to lean into working-class voters, they are particularly strong in Wisconsin,” Saler said. “We saw huge shifts from 2020 to 2024 in our favor.” Trump boosted 2020 totals as Arizona turnout dipped Of the seven most competitive states, Arizona saw the smallest increase in the number of votes cast in the presidential contest — slightly more than 4,000 votes, in a state with more than 3.3 million ballots cast. That was despite nearly 30 campaign visits to Arizona by Trump, Harris and their running mates and more than $432 million spent on advertising by the campaigns and allied outside groups, according to the ad-monitoring firm AdImpact. Arizona, alone of the seven swing states, saw Harris fall short of Biden across small, midsize and large counties. In the other six states, she was able to hold on in at least one of these categories. Even more telling, it is also the only swing state where Trump improved his margin in every single county. While turnout in Maricopa County, Arizona's most populous as the home to Phoenix, dipped slightly from 2020 — by 14,199 votes, a tiny change in a county where more than 2 million people voted — Trump gained almost 56,000 more votes than four years ago. Meanwhile, Harris fell more than 60,000 votes short of Biden's total, contributing to a shift significant enough to swing the county and state to Trump, who lost Arizona by fewer than 11,000 votes in 2020. Rightward shift even in heavily Democratic areas The biggest leaps to the right weren't taking place exclusively among Republican-leaning counties, but also among the most Democratic-leaning counties in the states. Michigan's Wayne County swung 9 points toward Trump, tying the more Republican-leaning Antrim County for the largest movement in the state. AP VoteCast found that voters were most likely to say the economy was the most important issue facing the country in 2024, followed by immigration. Trump supporters were more motivated by economic issues and immigration than Harris', the survey showed. “It’s still all about the economy," said North Carolina Democratic strategist Morgan Jackson, a senior adviser to Democrat Josh Stein, who won North Carolina’s governorship on Nov. 5 as Trump also carried the state. “Democrats have to embrace an economic message that actually works for real people and talk about it in the kind of terms that people get, rather than giving them a dissertation of economic policy,” he said. Governor’s elections in 2026 give Democrats a chance to test their understanding and messaging on the issue, said Democratic pollster Margie Omero, whose firm has advised Wisconsin’s Democratic Gov. Tony Evers in the past and winning Arizona Senate candidate Ruben Gallego this year. “So there’s an opportunity to really make sure people, who governors have a connection to, are feeling some specificity and clarity with the Democratic economic message,” Omero said. Thomas Beaumont, Maya Sweedler, Parker Kaufmann And Humera Lodhi, The Associated Press

National Bank of Canada (TSE:NA) Senior Officer Brigitte Hébert Sells 400 Shares of Stock

On Nov. 1, Texas hospitals that accept Medicaid or Children's Health Insurance Plan coverage started asking all patients about their immigration status and whether they are lawfully present in the United States. The requirement is part of an executive order Gov. Greg Abbott issued this summer. The information is statistical only. No identifying information about the patient is passed along to the governor's office. Here's what you need to know. Do I have to answer hospitals' questions about my citizenship or immigration status? No. According to several advocacy groups, including the American Civil Liberties Union, while hospitals are required to ask patients about their citizenship or immigration status, they cannot force anyone to answer the question. Patients can either answer the question or tell the hospital that they don't wish to respond. Will I be denied treatment if I refuse to answer? You should not be denied health care treatment for refusing to answer questions about your citizenship or immigration status. Abbott's order says hospitals should inform patients that their response to this question will not affect their care as required by federal law. Harris Health in Houston, which includes Ben Taub and LBJ hospitals, said in a statement: "Regardless of how they answer the citizenship status question, it will in no way interfere with their receiving healthcare at Harris Health emergency rooms or hospitals." What if a hospital employee pressures me to respond? What recourse do I have? A patient can ask to speak to the supervising nurse on duty, the hospital's guest relations staff or a patient rights advocate. If a patient believes the hospital's staff behaved improperly when asking for their citizenship or immigration status, they can contact the ACLU through this intake form. Why are hospitals doing this? Hospitals are required to do this because of the governor's order. Abbott is requiring them to do this because he wants a clearer picture of how much money Texas hospitals spend caring for undocumented immigrants. Abbott has argued that the Biden administration's immigration policies have cost states more money and that the federal government should reimburse states for those costs. What will hospitals do with this information? Abbott's order requires hospitals to count how many times they have asked the question of patients and keep track of the patient answers they receive. They are not sharing personal information about a patient to any state agency. At what point of the visit are they asking this question? Hospital staff can ask about their citizenship or immigration status at any point during the intake process but asking the question cannot impact patient care. Does the governor's order apply to the urgent care clinics that are run by hospitals? It only applies to hospitals, not their clinics, according to the Texas Hospital Association. The Texas Tribune has not received any reports of urgent care clinics asking patients about their citizenship or immigration status. Are all patients being asked this question? Yes. Will I be asked this question regardless of my ability to pay for care? Yes. What if I don't feel comfortable asking for more information or discussing my rights in English? According to the ACLU, if you have concerns about your rights or care but don't feel comfortable discussing them in English, you should request an interpreter fluent in your native language. The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans - and engages with them - about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues.

In what appears to be an embarrassing and ironic gaffe, a top Stanford University professor has been accused of spreading AI-generated misinformation while serving as an expert witness in support of a law designed to keep AI-generated misinformation out of elections. Jeff Hancock, the founding director of Stanford’s Social Media Lab, submitted his expert opinion earlier this month in Kohls v. Ellison, a lawsuit filed by a YouTuber and Minnesota state representative who claim the state’s new law criminalizing the use of deepfakes to influence elections violates their First Amendment right to free speech. His opinion included a reference to a study that purportedly found “even when individuals are informed about the existence of deepfakes, they may still struggle to distinguish between real and manipulated content.” But according to the plaintiff’s attorneys, the study Hancock cited — titled “The Influence of Deepfake Videos on Political Attitudes and Behavior” and published in the Journal of Information Technology & Politics —does not actually exist. “The citation bears the hallmarks of being an artificial intelligence (AI) ‘hallucination,’ suggesting that at least the citation was generated by a large language model like ChatGPT,” the plaintiffs wrote in a motion seeking to exclude Hancock’s expert opinion. “Plaintiffs do not know how this hallucination wound up in Hancock’s declaration, but it calls the entire document into question, especially when much of the commentary contains no methodology or analytic logic whatsoever.” The accusations about Hancock’s use of AI were first reported by the Minnesota Reformer . Hancock did not immediately respond to Gizmodo’s request for comment. Minnesota is one of 20 states to have passed laws regulating the use of deepfakes in political campaigns. Its law prohibits knowingly or acting with reckless disregard to disseminate a deepfake up to 90 days before an election if the material is made without the consent of the person depicted and is intended to influence the results of the election. The lawsuit challenging the law was filed by a conservative law firm on behalf of Minnesota state Representative Mary Franson and Christopher Kohls, a YouTuber who goes by the handle Mr Reagan. A lawsuit filed by Kohls challenging California’s election deepfake law led to a federal judge issuing a preliminary injunction last month preventing that law from going into effect.CONWAY, S.C. (AP) — Jestin Porter scored 24 points, including four in overtime, and Middle Tennessee knocked off Ohio 83-81 on Thursday. Kamari Lands sank a 3-pointer with 4.2 seconds left in regulation to tie it at 75-all. Porter shot 9 for 18 (3 for 6 from 3-point range) and 3 of 4 from the free-throw line for the Blue Raiders (4-1). Essam Mostafa added 19 points while shooting 6 of 9 from the field and 7 for 10 from the line while he also had 13 rebounds. Lands had 10 points and went 4 of 12 from the field (2 for 6 from 3-point range). The Bobcats (1-4) were led in scoring by AJ Brown, who finished with 19 points. AJ Clayton added 18 points, 11 rebounds and two steals for Ohio. Jackson Paveletzke also had 15 points, six rebounds, 11 assists and two steals. The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by Data Skrive and data from Sportradar .

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